The American Civil War remains the most significant event in Alabama's history. The war pitted Unionists against Secessionists. The war ended slavery. The war encouraged industrialization. Alabamians came to identify themselves not as Americans but as southerners, fiercely loyal to their Lost Cause. All of this was purchased with the lives of 600,000 Americans.
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The convention produced a vote of 61 to 39 in favor of secession, but this result cannot be taken as an easy and exact method of gauging either the citizenry's support for, or resistance to, the Union. Some delegates certainly voted against the measure because they opposed secession altogether. Others voted against the measure because they opposed immediate withdrawal in favor of cooperation with other states. Still others voted one way or the other for personal reasons that will never be known. And, of course, these delegates were themselves elected without any votes by women or by the 45 percent of Alabamians who were enslaved. At any rate, the delegates' less-than-unanimous vote for immediate secession was masked by loud and unceasing calls for a unified citizenry.
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In anticipation of the state's secession, Governor Moore had months earlier ordered the state's militiamen to seize the federal forts Morgan and Gaines at the entrance to Mobile Bay and the Mount Vernon arsenal north of Mobile. Their bloodless accomplishment on January 4 encouraged the belief that conflict with the North, if indeed there were to be a conflict, would not amount to much. Alabamians went on with their daily lives. But not all federal properties fell as easily as those in Alabama, and Confederate batteries opened fire on troops in Union-occupied Fort Sumter in Charleston harbor on April 12.
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Although Alabama's relative geographic isolation shielded it from the fiercest fighting, the Union forces did not take long to reach the state. On February 6, 1862, a mere six months after Manassas, three Union gunboats steamed up the Tennessee River to Florence. North Alabama was controlled for the most part by the Union from that time, because the river was an important route into the Confederate heartland. The railroads through north Alabama were also strategic objectives; and Huntsville, which lay along the Memphis & Charleston Railroad, was occupied two months later, on April 11.
The occupation of north Alabama remained an important Union objective throughout the war and not merely because of its transportation routes. Many Northern politicians, and President Lincoln in particular, believed that they could undermine the Confederacy from within by courting the isolated Unionists in north Alabama and east Tennessee. They had been encouraged by the geographical distribution of votes during the 1861 convention, in which the Alabama highlands opposed secession and later sent troops to the Union, most conspicuously the First Alabama Union Cavalry. But clearly Lincoln overestimated the Southern Unionists' ability to affect the course of the war, and just as clearly Confederate politicians underestimated the extent of genuine and principled dissatisfaction with Alabama's leaving the Union. Evaluating the motives and views of the Alabama Unionists confounded the politicians at the time and has confounded historians of our own time.
The occupation of sizable portions of north Alabama gave Union Colonel Abel Streight a base from which to launch his raid on the railroad between Chattanooga and Atlanta, then supplying the Army of Tennessee. His 1,700 troops, forced through lack
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A few months later, in the late summer of 1863, Union admiral David Farragut assembled a fleet of ironclads and wooden-hulled frigates to take Mobile Bay. According to legend, Farragut issued the the famous rallying cry, "Damn the torpedoes. Full speed ahead," and guided his ships past the heavily fortified entrance to Mobile Bay. Two weeks later, after sieges of forts Gaines and Morgan, Union forces controlled the bay. Because the city of Mobile remained in Confederate hands until the end of the war, the victory was as much psychological as it was tactical.
Part of the Union strategy—squeezing Alabama from the north and south—was to destroy Alabama's ability to feed the armies
and arm the Confederate war machine. During the 1850s, a number of Alabama entrepreneurs had tried to develop an industrial
infrastructure centering on railroads and iron-making. These early industries did not fare well for several reasons, chief among them that it was simply too easy to make money
growing cotton. The start of the war found ![]()
Some of the spectacular changes wrought by the war came on, and under, the sea. Southerners had no experience in shipbuilding
and were not renowned as seamen; nonetheless, they astonished their critics. The Selma works built ironclads, including the formidable CSS Tennessee, which was captured during the Battle of Mobile Bay and later placed into service by the U.S. Navy, and outfitted the CSS Nashville. The first submarine to sink a ship, the H. L. Hunley, was built in Mobile. Of greater impact on the war was the raider CSS Alabama, built in Liverpool and commanded by Mobilian Raphael Semmes.
Such figures as Semmes and Gorgas were but a few of the many Alabamians who would achieve great fame during the war's course. Robert Emmett Rodes started as captain of the Warrior Guards, Fifth Alabama Regiment, and rose to become one of General Robert E. Lee's greatest commanders. John Pelham, who turned light artillery into a mobile and unconventional weapon, earned his nickname "The Gallant Pelham" for his "unflinching courage," in the words of General Lee. "Fighting Joe" Wheeler became one of the great cavalrymen and, as major general, commanded one of the few forces able to slow William Tecumseh Sherman in his March to the Sea.
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Although Confederate Alabamians surrendered their weapons, they did not surrender their convictions. The conflict had led many Alabamians to identify themselves as Southerners, rather than Americans. Its Confederate heroes—whether the famous Raphael Semmes, Emma Sansom, and R. E. Rodes, or the anonymous men who fell in battle—had defended what became a romanticized Southern way of life. And the sacrifices of those at the battlefront, as well as those left behind on the homefront, had encumbered mutual obligations—obligations that would find expression in Confederate Memorial Day and a type of reactionary politics that, after a decade of maneuvering, would dominate the state for another century.
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Additional Resources
Center, Clark E. Jr. "The Burning of the University of Alabama." Alabama Heritage 16 (Spring 1990): 30-45.
Dodd, Donald B. "The Free State of Winston." Alabama Heritage 28 (Spring 1993): 9-19.
Heinze, Christopher M. "The Saga of C.S.S. Alabama." Alabama Heritage 37 (Summer 1995): 6-23.
Hubbs, G. Ward. Guarding Greensboro: A Confederate Company in the Making of a Southern Community. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2003.
Jones, James Pickett. Yankee Blitzkrieg: Wilson's Raid through Alabama and Georgia. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1987.
McMillan, Malcolm Cook. The Alabama Confederate Reader. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1963.
Rogers, William Warren. Confederate Home Front: Montgomery During the Civ il War. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1999.
G. Ward Hubbs
Birmingham-Southern College
Published January 10, 2008
Last updated October 20, 2009